Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 104: Being Framed

By mid-May, Budapest experienced widespread food shortages, and the soaring food prices had emptied the pockets of the people of their last savings.

In order to maintain order, the Republican Government had to start implementing a rationing system for food.

During this period in Budapest, vegetables and fruits became luxury items, and meat products were no longer on the tables of ordinary people, becoming exclusive to the nobility.

The government could only provide the most basic rations: 500 grams of black bread per person per day, along with 300 grams of potatoes and 200 grams of corn.

Even with these meager supplies, there were bureaucrats in the government profiteering by shortchanging the portions.

In some cases, there were even unscrupulous practices like adding tree leaves and sawdust to the black bread, offering discolored potatoes, and multicolored corn. For those with weak digestive systems, consuming such food was a risk to their lives.

It seemed that for government officials in the republic, there were no boundaries when it came to their integrity. Their actions could be considered a shining example of capitalism in the world.

While Budapest faced a severe shortage of food, it was primarily the lower-class citizens who suffered. The ruling class, on the other hand, did not experience any food scarcity, even as the enemy was knocking on their doors. Their banquets continued unabated.

In fact, they went further by exploiting the middle and upper-middle classes through the underground black market. The prices of food had soared to astronomical levels, where a piece of unadulterated black bread would cost as much as its weight in silver coins.

At this time, a regular residential building in Budapest could be acquired for just fifty kilograms of bread. Even a bustling store would at most cost a few hundred kilograms of bread.

Street girls filled the city’s corners, and you could easily obtain their services with just a single piece of black bread or potato.

To reduce the consumption of food, starting in June, the revolutionary government began to expel the elderly, the weak, and the sick from the city. Lieutenant General Julius warmly welcomed these refugees and ensured their proper resettlement.

Franz took propaganda seriously, inviting journalists from Austria’s major media outlets. They waved their cameras and captured photographs from various angles, all of which were crucial evidence to expose the crimes of the revolutionary party.

Now, without any intervention from the government, as they looked at these war-worn refugees and listened to their painful accounts of the atrocities committed by the Hungarian Republic, the media, driven by a strong sense of justice, competed to condemn the unscrupulous Hungarian revolutionary government.

Even the renowned Hungarian composer Franz Liszt had infiltrated the ranks of journalists during this time. The more he learned, the more deeply he was affected.

Not just him, many literati and intellectuals came rushing in, including some supporters of the revolutionary party. The scenes before their eyes made everyone completely lose faith in the revolutionary party.

The pen of a literati can be mightier than the sword, and with everyone’s collective efforts, this Hungarian revolution was being redefined.

Those trapped in Budapest, like Kossuth, were still unaware that their reputation had been ruined. Tens of thousands of people submitted petitions to the Emperor, hoping that he would ensure justice for them.

Franz, of course, went with the flow and accepted the people’s petitions, stating clearly that all the rebels would be publicly tried. He invited the victimized citizens to serve as the jury, allowing them to vote on the final sentencing.

Those with discerning eyes could see that this was Austria's way of annihilating the revolutionary party.

This group of victims now wished they could devour the revolutionaries alive, so how could they possibly show any mercy to them?

The ultimate outcome was undoubtedly a beheading spree, all carried out in the name of the people, and even if many were killed, the Austrian Government couldn’t be held accountable.

Of course, this was a one-time occurrence, and Austria would inevitably become a country ruled by law in the future, no longer able to act so recklessly.

Before the revolution, Hungary and Austria were managed separately, with many differing laws between the two regions. Hungarian laws were outdated, and Austrian laws had never been implemented locally, which allowed Franz to delegate sentencing authority to the people.

……

As they witnessed the revolutionary uprisings being quelled in various regions and their sole ally, the Kingdom of Sardinia, being overwhelmed by Austria single-handedly, the revolutionaries began contemplating their next move.

The sudden halt in the Austrian military’s advance on Budapest took the revolutionaries by surprise, leading Kossuth to suspect the presence of internal collaborators.

The House of Habsburg had never lacked supporters in Hungary, and there were also royalist factions within Budapest. Furthermore, nobles and capitalists looking for opportunities to realign themselves were not in short supply.

Once these people mobilize, Budapest would change hands in an instant.

The revolutionary party’s foundation was too shallow, and it was divided into different factions. Before 1847, the largest revolutionary group had members no more than three-digits.

After the outbreak of the revolution, the revolutionary ranks expanded a hundredfold, but most of these individuals merely adopted the revolutionary party’s identity. In reality, the revolutionary party had no real authority or control over them at all.

The aftermath of rapidly expanding the ranks began to surface. Without a tightly-knit revolutionary organization or a unified political agenda, most people joined the revolutionary party on a whim or due to recommendations from acquaintances which they were too embarrassed to refuse.

Nobody wanted to die, and the revolutionary party was no exception. While the Austrian Army didn’t rush to attack, internal divisions within the Hungarian Republic Government were intensifying.

After a series of failures, President Kossuth’s prestige had dropped to a critical point. The opposition had become intolerant of him, and even his loyalists began to doubt his abilities.

The rapid expansion of the Hungarian National Guard, which included people from all walks of life, and Kossuth not restraining them properly finally ignited conflicts.

On June 8th, a battalion of the National Revolutionary Army, acting on Kossuth’s orders, stormed into Count István’s residence. They accused Count István of being a counter-revolutionary and executed dozens of people, including the Count, on the spot. They also looted all valuables and took the young women to their camp for immoral activities.

The situation escalated significantly, and Count István was no ordinary nobleman. He is often regarded as one of Hungary’s greatest figures by future generations. Could a person of such stature be killed so casually?

It was important to note that since the establishment of the Hungarian Republic, there have been deep internal conflicts. Kossuth even personally invited Count István to mediate, and now he was executed on charges of counter-revolution?

On June 9th, during the Hungarian Government meeting, the opposition led by Schemir directly challenged the actions taken.

“Mr. Kossuth, I must ask, who authorized you to convict Count István, and on what grounds was a nobleman of such greatness executed? How do you explain the atrocities that occurred at the Count's residence?”

Kossuth’s inner turmoil was overwhelming. In the name of all that was just and right, when had he ever issued an order for the execution of Count István?

But the deed had already been done; the National Guard had carried it out under his banner, and the commanding officer responsible for this act had now disappeared without a trace. The truth of the matter seemed irretrievable.

“This matter has nothing to do with me; I have never issued such an order!” Kossuth denied vehemently.