Holy Roman Empire

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No matter how much scheming there is, wars must still be decided on the battlefield. As diplomatic games continued between Prussia and Russia, the battle of Lithuania also erupted.

At this time, Maoqi found himself in an awkward situation. Whether to engage in a decisive battle with the enemy in the Lithuanian region was a vexing question.

The Russian navy had been stagnant for more than a decade and was already behind the times. Yet this outdated fleet was still not something the miniature navy of the Prussian-Polish Federation could compare with.

Times had changed, and both sides had prepared for this war, with the Tsarist Government stockpiling a massive amount of strategic materials in St. Petersburg, enough to fight for a year and a half without any shortage of supplies.

Against this background, naval supremacy could be fully leveraged. Ivanov was now launching the Lithuanian campaign to take advantage of these factors.

Having lost command of the sea and deciding to fight the enemy on the Baltic coast, especially when the enemy was prepared, Maoqi stated, "I am not yet mad."

The problem is that war isn’t something you can just opt out of if you don’t feel like fighting. The Russians had already begun their offensive, and unless the regions such as Lithuania and Latvia were abandoned, there was no choice but to grit one’s teeth and proceed.

Abandonment was out of the question, for once the Lithuanian region fell, the flames of war would reach the East Prussia region again. The fruits of victory from the first Prusso-Russian war would be entirely lost.

If the enemy were different, Maoqi might have dared to take a gamble and seek an opportunity to break the enemy, but it was unfortunate that they faced the notoriously conservative Ivanov, which rendered any such plans futile.

Warsaw, Prussian-Polish Federation Headquarters

"Marshal, what if we launched an offensive from the Belarusian Region, pretending to counterattack Smolensk, to force the enemy to abandon their Lithuanian campaign plan?" a middle-aged military officer suggested.

Europe didn’t have the anecdote of "Encircle Wei to Rescue Zhao," but there were still plenty of similar war templates.

Maoqi shook his head. "It’s useless. The enemy has deployed thirty infantry divisions and two cavalry divisions in the Belarusian Region; we simply don’t stand a chance."

In an open-field battle, Maoqi was confident he could defeat this enemy force, but that was impossible. Given Ivanov’s style, this Russian army would certainly choose to hunker down.

If they actually fought all the way there, Maoqi’s precious mobile forces would be largely depleted. If the men were gone, what would be the point of wanting the land?

Looking at the Russian military deployment marked on the map, Maoqi sighed deeply. Ever since the outbreak of the second Prusso-Russian war, the Prussian Army had been fighting in a frustrated state.

It wasn’t that they weren’t trying, but there was simply no room to flex their muscles. The Prussian Army’s strength was slightly superior, but the difference was limited, and the Russian army could compensate with numbers.

After hesitating for a moment, Maoqi pointed at the map and ordered, "Command the northern line troops to abandon Latvia and fall back to the Lithuanian Region."

Being the first to win doesn’t mean victory; the real victor is the one who wins in the end. Maoqi was ready for another battle in East Prussia. The extent of the loss didn’t matter; what was most important was that he had to emerge as the victor.

...

As Prussia and Russia intellectually dueled on the battlefield, they were also enveloped in diplomatic smog. Vienna once again became the frontline for their confrontation, with Austria’s Foreign Ministry and Belvedere Palace bustling with activity.

To avoid trouble, Franz had closed his doors to all visitors. There was nothing else to do with such an overwhelming number of guests; even the Emperor was distressed, and the best solution seemed to be not to see anyone at all.

Franz once again realized the troubles that came with having many relatives, not because these people were disrespectful, constantly whining, or interfering haphazardly, which would have been manageable.

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Nobles capable of making a name for themselves are seldom fools; even acting as lobbyists requires skill, usually involving passing a message or beating around the bush.

Some want the Russians to win, some favor the Prussian-Polish Federation’s victory, while others simply wish to gauge Franz’s stance and determine the government’s policy direction.

There’s no helping it; the course of a nation is never solely the Emperor’s affair—all interest groups, large and small, are participants.

This is part of the political game in Europe. For instance, to push a certain bill or resolution, it’s not enough for Franz to act alone; usually, these channels are used first to test the waters and see how the outside world reacts.

Or they might hint at these individuals proposing to the government, effectively serving as the Emperor’s mouthpiece and sparing the Emperor from entering the fray himself.

The Prusso-Russian War involves too much, including the future layout of the European Continent, the unification process in the Germany Region, and a vast array of political and economic interests...

The more that’s involved, the more interest groups are engaged, and the more people care.

Franz doesn’t want to take a stand too early, so naturally, he keeps out of it. The Emperor can hide, but the senior government officials can’t; Prime Minister Felix’s hairline has receded a lot more.

...

In the Vienna Prime Minister’s residence, the Prussian-Polish Federation Envoy, Freedman, spoke incessantly: "World peace is facing a severe challenge; the international order of Europe is being one..."

Felix furrowed his brows: "Envoy, please spare us these unproductive words. Our time is precious, and there’s no need to waste it like this."

The impatience was blatantly displayed; it was evident that Felix was truly annoyed, not even bothering with diplomatic courtesies.

Freedman was not upset either, as this was not the first such instance. As a professional diplomat, he knew how to keep his emotions in check and not to let personal feelings interfere with his work.

"Prime Minister, a powerful Russian Empire is not a good choice for Europe, nor for the world. Your country’s interests..."

Before Freedman could finish, Felix interrupted him directly: "Not just the Russian Empire, a powerful Prussian-Polish Federation is also detrimental to us; you must know that rule breakers are often more detestable."

A staunch Greater Germany nationalist naturally wouldn’t look favorably on a divided nation. To German nationalists, the existence of the Prussian-Polish Federation is a tumor.

Prime Minister Felix is a Greater Germany nationalist leader put forth by Austria; opposing Prussia is a must, so there’s no need for pleasantries.

But in politics, anything is possible before interests. If the benefits are sufficient, there’s nothing that can’t be discussed.

"Rule breakers"; that’s the joke. No one is much better than the others. If Austria had followed the rules, it wouldn’t have its current foundation.

It’s just that the Vienna Government is a rule maker, having left itself some backdoors early on, which makes it appear less unsightly.

Freedman felt a tinge of embarrassment; a spark of insight flashed through his mind, and he quickly recovered. Internally, he had already started cursing, almost falling into their trap.

This meeting is diplomatic, and could Felix’s Prime Minister’s poor attitude not be a diplomatic tactic in itself?

After that small episode, Freedman had no further interest in beating around the bush; he feared that if the conversation dragged on, his heart couldn’t take it.

"Prime Minister, we are very sincere. As long as your country agrees to stop supporting the Russians, Ukraine and the Russian Balkans will be yours after the war."

```

When interests were involved, Felix’s demeanor softened a bit, and he asked with feigned confusion, "Sincerity? Where is it? How come I have not seen it?"

"To offer Russian territory as a token of sincerity and then expect us to deploy our own troops to seize it, Your country’s kind of sincerity is truly astonishing!"

Doing nothing and yet the Prussian-Polish Federation supports Austria in acquiring Ukraine and the Russian Balkans seems advantageous, but in reality, there is a hidden catch.

The two Prusso-Russian wars had completely sobered up the Berlin Government; the Russian Empire is like a cockroach that cannot be squashed— even if we win this war, it won’t be long before they rise from the ashes again.

If this cycle continues, they won’t have to do anything at all. To secure a stable international environment for development, they must find someone else to share the hatred.

The ideal ally would be the Ottoman Empire, but unfortunately, they’re too weak to rely on—they’re really not up to the task.

Next are the Nordic Federation, but unfortunately, they have deeply offended the Danish people, and with the Danish people holding them back, an alliance with the Nordic Federation is simply not possible.

Then there are the countries of Central Asia and the Far Eastern Empire; they’re much like the Ottoman Empire, not very influential, and their support doesn’t amount to much.

Austria was not originally part of the Berlin Government’s alliance considerations, but the circumstances forced their hand; in order to win the war, they had to make the Vienna Government stop supporting the Russians.

Being exposed did not upset Freedman; he kept his cheerful tone, "Prime Minister, you can’t say that. We have severely damaged the Tsarist Government in the war, and Your country occupying these territories would be but a military parade.

"If Your country wishes, you could even take the Volga River banks, we would support that too."

Felix shook his head; anyone who looks at a map knows what "banks of the Volga River" means— is that something Austria could reach for?

"We do not share Your country’s appetite. Austro-Russian friendship has a long history, and we have no interest in the territories of the Russian Empire."

That was the truth; Felix had no interest in Russian territory, nor did the Vienna Government have any intentions of encroachment.

Of course, if the Russians did not want it and insisted on handing it over, everybody would be happy to accept it. n/ô/vel/b//in dot c//om

After hesitating for a moment, as if wrestling with his conscience, Freedman slowly said, "What if we include the German Federation?

"As long as Your country agrees to stop supporting the Russians, we will no longer oppose Your country’s annexation of the German Federation."

Between the lines, Felix heard the underlying message: "No longer oppose" in other words meant not supporting, not opposing— tacitly allowing Austria to absorb the German Federation.

Frankly, Prime Minister Felix was tempted, but he did not show it. Given the current situation, such a promise from the Berlin Government was already the limit.

If it were the Tsarist Government, they might have even expressed direct support.

There’s no doubt about Alexander II’s determination to win the war. Any monarch worth his salt can be both resilient and flexible.

For the Russian Empire, European hegemony is a matter for the future; the immediate priority is to win the war.

It’s the same for the Prussian-Polish Federation; however, they are greatly influenced by the British and are unable to go that far.

"Your proposition holds no value, Envoy. Had Your country shown this sincerity back in 1853, the matter would have been resolved long ago.

"Now, do you think your stance still matters? As far as I know, Your country has not even licked its wounds from the last war.

"How long will Your country need to recuperate after this war? Twenty years, or thirty?

"If we truly take action, what can you do even if you oppose us? Fight a battle in the field, do you dare?"

This wasn’t contempt; it was the harsh reality. Winning the war was just the beginning, and the Prussian-Polish Federation still had a long road to recovery of their strength.

Surely they could not gamble all their resources just to interfere with Austria?

With the precedent of Colombia there for all to see, no one could guarantee that the Vienna Government wouldn’t change their mind and give them a thrashing before backing off.

Timing is crucial for playing one’s cards, even those of immense value; if they come at the wrong time, they are worthless.

Freedman’s expression briefly shifted before returning to normal. "Prime Minister, it really depends on how you see it. If these conditions do not entice you, what if the Russians win the war?

"Looking around the world, there are few powers left that can threaten your country, and the Russian Empire happens to be one of them.

"Alexander II has not been reforming for long, and the Russians have already come out from their last war. If they win this war and continue to develop, can your country rest easy?

"The Tsarist Government’s greed for land knows no bounds. Just look at the map to see how long the border between your country and the Russian Empire is; future friction is inevitable.

"Better to remove the threat now rather than leave it for later. Your country could take this opportunity to enter the Black Sea, and with your strength, turning the Black Sea into an inland sea is only a matter of time, and nobody has the power to stop you."

Freedman expressed the Vienna Government’s worries. Russia’s potential for development was enormous; with such vast territory, no one knew what might emerge.

Compared to that, the threat from the Prussian-Polish Federation was much smaller. Even if they won the war, their national strength couldn’t digest much territory, and it would take decades for them to become a true major power.

Even that was optimistic. Austria had been through it step by step; the Vienna Government knew better than anyone the difficulties of integrating different nationalities.

It can be said that the more population the Prussian-Polish Federation took from the Russian Empire, the more severe their internal ethnic issues would become.

A dual empire is not easy to run; dealing with an active Polish ethnic group is challenging enough, let alone adding more ethnicities to the mix. How would that be different from the original Austro-Hungarian Empire?

At least the Habsburg Family had managed it for centuries; their rule was deeply ingrained, and those who sought independence were genuinely few.

After a moment of silence, Felix shook his head, "Envoy, you are mistaken. Austria has always maintained neutrality and has never supported the Russians.

"What you see is merely normal commercial trade. As a member of the free trade system, we do not interfere with the market.

"If your country wishes to cut off Russian supplies, then spend money to buy them. As long as you buy up all the supplies, the Russians naturally won’t be able to purchase them."

Freedman’s face darkened. He was well aware that Felix had just been tempted, yet he still refused, not even leaving him a chance for further negotiation.